Director of Strategy for the Centre for Effective Altruism. I previously ran new programs at Innovate Animal Ag and led the research team at a nonprofit focused on building $1B+ philanthropic initiatives/megaprojects. Before that I lived in Tanzania and ran some RCTs there.
I can't speak to this product in particular but my experience at One Acre Fund in Tanzania was that it's often just really hard to physically distribute products to rural Africa without super high costs or damage. The practicalities of distribution are hard to solve, which I guess is more what Nick is looking to do here. Once you find a way to get the product in front of users and it saves them money, they'll often buy it, I agree that it might not need to be given for free (not withstanding another practical note: if you need to charge, that also generates a bunch of logistics!)
Totally agreed! I very much assumed my audience was very EA and already stepping back on cause-prio + intervention choice every so often. You are right that that often isn't the case, and the way I've framed things here might encourage some folks to just plough on and not ask important questions on whether they are working on the right thing, in the right way.
Love the clarity of the post but I agree with Geoffrey that the $ impact/household seems extremely low and I also don't follow how you get to $1k+/HH (which would be like doubling household income).
Back calculating to estimate benefits/household:
I'd guess that's at least part of why you don't see more bean soaking already, the savings are just so modest, unless I've missed something in my calculation.
As you note, behaviour change around cooking practices is also super hard. When I worked at One Acre Fund Tanzania, our 2 biggest failures were introducing clean cookstoves and high-iron beans, both of which people just didn't want to use because of how they conflicted existing norms, e.g. color of the new bean variety "bled" into ugali, making it look dirty.
So the $ benefits would make me skeptical of this as promising but I'm hoping I missed something big in my calculation!
Thanks Chris, that's a cool idea. I will give it a go (in a few days, I have an EAG to recover from...)
One thing I should note is that other comments on this post are suggesting this is well known and applied, which doesn't knock the idea but would reduce the value of doing more promotion. Conversely, my super quick, low-N look into cash RCTs (in my reply below to David Reinstein) suggests it is not so common. Since the approach you suggest would partly involve listing a bunch of RCTs and their treatment/control sizes (so we can see whether they are cost-optimised), it could also serve as a nice check of just how often this adjustment is/isn't applied in RCTs
For bio, that's way outside of my field, I defer to Joshua's comment here on limited participant numbers, which makes sense. Though in a situation like early COVID vaccine trials, where perhaps you had limited treatment doses and potentially lots of willing volunteers, perhaps it would be more applicable? I guess pharma companies are heavily incentivised to optimise trial costs tho, if they don't do it there'll be a reason!
As a quick data point I just checked the 6 RCTs GiveDirectly list on their website. I figure cash is pretty expensive so it's the kind of intervention where this makes sense.
It looks like most cash studies, certainly with just 1 treatment arm, aren't optimising for cost:
| Study | Control | Treatment |
| The short-term impact of unconditional cash transfers to the poor: experimental evidence from Kenya | 432 | 503 |
| BENCHMARKING A CHILD NUTRITION PROGRAM AGAINST CASH: EVIDENCE FROM RWANDA | 74 villages | 74 villages (nutrition program) 100 (cash) |
| Cash crop: evaluating large cash transfers to coffee farming communities in Uganda | 1894 | 1894 |
| Using Household Grants to Benchmark the Cost Effectiveness of a USAID Workforce Readiness Program | 488 | 485 NGO program 762 cash 203 cash + NGO |
| General equilibrium effects of cash transfers: experimental evidence from Kenya | 325 villages | 328 villages |
| Effects of a Universal Basic Income during the pandemic | 100 villages | 44 longterm UBI 80 shortterm UBI 71 lump sum |
Suggests either 1) there's some value in sharing this idea more or 2) there's a good reason these economists aren't making this adjustment. Someone on Twitter suggested "problems caused by unbalanced samples and heteroskedasticity" but that was beyond my poor epidemiologist's understanding and they didn't clarify further.
I have no particular take on LG, I was mostly focused on your question about the market failure. I've no reason to think LG couldn't do a great job, this sounds very much like their area of expertise!